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She wrote the letter that would come to define her legacy on March 31, 1776. But 250 years later, Americans are misinterpreting her open-ended request
“By the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies,” Abigail Adams wrote on March 31, 1776.
Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society
As John Adams lobbied in Philadelphia for American independence, his wife, Abigail, was consumed with questions. She filled pages with them, often complaining when John didnât answer fully or quickly enough.
âWhat code of laws will be established?â she wrote to him from their home in Braintree, Massachusetts, in November 1775. âWho shall frame these laws? Who will give them force and energy?â Five months later, as members of the Second Continental Congress dragged their feet on separation from Britain, she wondered, âShall we not be despised by foreign powers for hesitating so long?â
In her letters, Abigail kept her husband abreast of the siege of Boston, vividly describing âthe rattling of the windows, the jar of the house and the continual roar of 24-pounders.â She read Thomas Paineâs âCommon Senseâ and asked how the seminal pamphlet had been received in Congress. âShe prided herself on navigating the most important intellectual currents of her era,â biographer Woody Holton writes in Abigail Adams: A Life. âTo an extent that does not seem unusual today but that would have astonished her grandmother, Abigail liked to think about her thoughts.â
Fortunately, John also liked his wifeâs inclination for reflection. In a teasing letter dated to 1764, the year they married, he wrote that her âhabit of reading, writing and thinkingâ caused her to slouch. He also chided her for sitting too often with her legs crossed, which âsprings I fear from the former source vizt. too much thinking. These things ought not to be!â
By early 1776, John and Abigail both had a lot on their minds. They longed to speak freely about the creation of a new nation, which was looking more plausible every day. âIs there no way for two friendly souls to converse together although the bodies are 400 miles off?â John wrote. âYes, by letter. But I want a better communication. I want to hear you think or to see your thoughts.â
On March 31, Abigail committed her thoughts to paper in a letter that would come to define her legacy. After relaying her worries regarding military strategy and her hopes that Congress was nearing a decision, she added a request framed as an afterthought. âBy the way,â she wrote, âin the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies.â
The second page of the letter
Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society
What Abigail was asking
Abigailâs letter is still widely celebrated 250 years after it was written. History lovers can purchase âRemember the Ladiesâ picture books, T-shirts, mugs, stickers, candles, prints, serving trays and cutting boards. âItâs the first thing people usually think of when they think of Abigail,â says Sara Georgini, the series editor for the Papers of John Adams at the Massachusetts Historical Society. âââAs she writes, thereâs this backdrop of impending war, but also the promise of republican creation.â
The letter reached mainstream American audiences in the mid-20th century, when the historical society began publishing correspondence, speeches, diaries and other papers connected to the Adams family. Georgini says that the musical 1776 (which draws on the letters), Americaâs bicentennial, and the womenâs movement in the 1960s and â70s also contributed to the buzz around the letter, which reads:
By the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies and be more generous and favorable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the husbands. Remember, all men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any laws in which we have no voice or representation. That your sex are naturally tyrannical is a truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of sense in all ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your sex. Regard us then as beings placed by providence under your protection and in imitation of the supreme being make use of that power only for our happiness.
Do audiences today understand Abigailâs open-ended request? What exactly was she urging her husband to do? âI donât think she would have a specific laundry list,â Georgini says. âShe would certainly be thinkingâlike any 18th-century person would beâabout progress and the human condition and what a revolution can do for individual rights.â
Some modern readers are convinced that they know exactly what Abigail was requesting. A 2007 childrenâs book, for instance, features a photo of the letter with âremember the ladiesâ circled in thick purple. âAbigail wrote that women should have the right to vote,â the description states. âAbigailâs ideas helped change the United States government. Women now have the same rights as men.â
Scholars donât share this interpretation, although many casual readers find their way to it on their own. âI do think that people today read things into this letter that arenât there,â says Cassandra Good, a historian at Marymount University. Abigail wrote her letter 72 years before the Seneca Falls Convention, which sparked the womenâs suffrage movement in America, and 144 years before the passage of the 19th Amendment. âSheâs not explicitly saying women should have a vote,â Good says. âThat is just such a radical idea at this point that it is almost unthinkable.â
In the 18th century, voting was typically restricted to white men who owned property, although the law varied from state to state. Even Mary Wollstonecraft, the British womenâs rights activist who published A Vindication of the Rights of Woman in 1792, was generally focused on causes such as equal education. The question of voting rights for women surfaced only in niche cases, as when two Virginia residents remarked in separate correspondence that their status as widowed taxpayers should grant them the right to electoral representation. Later, for a brief period between 1790 and 1807, New Jersey law allowed a small group of unmarried women who owned property to cast ballots in the state.
Quick facts: How women voted in 18th-century New Jersey
- New Jerseyâs first Constitution, ratified in 1776, enfranchised all adults âworth ÂŁ50â who had resided in their county for a year.
- A 1790 law even used the language âhe or sheâ to describe voters in certain counties.
- Women cast ballots in the state until 1807, when a new election law restricted eligibility to âfree, white, maleâ citizens.
The most specific ask in Abigailâs appeal is âDo not put such unlimited power into the hands of the husbands.â During this period, the practice of coverture dictated that married women had no legal identity; instead, the law viewed them as their husbandsâ dependents. As such, Abigail was likely referring to âprotection for women within marriage,â Good says. âShe means men as husbands could be tyrants over their wives.â
John and Abigailâs marriage
When John was 24, his friend Richard Cranch started courting a young woman named Mary Smith. The two men called on Mary at home, where they also happened to meet her 15-year-old sister, Abigail.
At first, John casually dismissed the Smith family, writing in his diary that the father was a âcrafty, designing manâ whose daughters were ânot fond, not frank, not candid.â In the 18th century, âcandidâ meant something closer to ânonjudgmental,â and he found the sisters âtoo blunt,â Holton writes. âApparently John considered Abigail insufficiently candid because she could not resist teasing him about some of his foibles.â
With time, however, teasing became the foundation of a deep bond. John and Abigail exchanged more than 30 letters during their courtship, developing a witty rapport that was thoughtful, flirtatious and quite funny. Sometimes, Abigail found that this banter was easier in letters. âI wonder I write to you with so little restraint, for as a critic I fear you more than any other person on earth,â she wrote six months before they married. âDo you approve of that speech? Donât you think me a courageous being? Courage is a laudable, a glorious virtue in your sex, why not in mine? (For my part, I think you ought to applaud me for mine.)â
A portrait of Abigail Adams by Ralph Earl, painted circa 1795
Fenimore Art Museum / Estate of Francis J. Eggleston / Photograph by Richard Walker
John and Abigailâs life together was characterized by an inexhaustible urge for conversation that lasted for half a century. More than 1,000 of their letters survive. This kind of companionship was something of a novelty at the time, when marriage was often viewed as more of an economic institution. âThe idea that husbands and wives should be friendsâthat is new,â Good says. âAnd I think that John and Abigailâs marriage does represent that more than many other marriages.â
As the American Revolution intensified, John and Abigail spent long stretches apart. âI want to hear much oftener from you than I do,â Abigail wrote in April 1776. John made a similar request several months later. âIt is some time since I received any letter from you,â he wrote. âYou must write me every week by the post. If it is but a few lines, it gives me many spirits.â When Abigail, alone during a smallpox epidemic in Boston, decided to inoculate herself and her children, John worried from afar, though his letters never lacked for wit. âHow are you all this morning?â he wrote. âBy this time, you are well acquainted with the smallpox. Pray, how do you like it?â
A calculated request
In the âRemember the Ladiesâ letter, Abigail introduced her appeal with a breezy âby the wayâ before inserting âan element of humorâ to âtemper her plea,â Holton writes. Her threat to foment a rebellion âwas of course farcical,â the biographer adds, âbut it allowed Abigail to slip in the serious observation that male patriots prohibited their wives from exercising the very right to self-government that now stood at the center of their own dispute with Parliament.â
Humor wasnât the only strategy that Abigail used to make her point. Although the line âRemember, all men would be tyrants if they couldâ originated with the English writer Daniel Defoe, Abigail might have borrowed it directly from John, who used it in an unpublished 1763 essay. She knew that he would be âflattered, not furious, to see his own words used against him,â Holton writes.
The historian Elaine Crane has published extensively on Abigailâs tendency to use language from outside sources, almost always without attribution. In particular, Crane flags these lines from the famous letter:
That your sex are naturally tyrannical is a truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute; but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend.
In the original manuscript, Crane notes, âthe ink pales in color perceptivelyâ with these lines, suggesting that Abigail paused just before adding them. Perhaps thatâs because she was leafing through a copy of The History of Emily Montague, a 1769 epistolary novel that includes a suspiciously familiar passage:
That we are generally tyrannical, I am obliged to own, but such of us as know how to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend.
During Abigailâs lifetime, âthe line between artistic adaptation and thievish adoption was thin,â Crane writes. Her husband was ânot likely to realize that she had lifted the quotation word for wordânor would he have cared.â After all, John relied heavily on unattributed quotations even in published works, usually âto save himself time,â as Holton writes. Abigail turned to other authorsâ words most often âwhenever she skated near the limits of propriety,â Holton adds.
Abigail received no formal education, but as the daughter of a clergyman, she had access to her fatherâs sprawling libraries, and she made her way through works of literature, history, government, philosophy and theology. John and Abigailâs letters are full of playful references to famous works, and they regularly used literary pen names like Diana, Portia and Lysander. âThis was just kind of the lingua franca of the day,â Georgini says. âTheyâre incredibly well readâand eager to show it off.â
A portrait of Abigail Adams by Gilbert Stuart, painted circa 1800-1815
Heritage Art / Heritage Images via Getty Images
A portrait of John Adams by Gilbert Stuart, painted circa 1800-1815
Johnâs reply
Had Abigail hoped for a serious response to her âRemember the Ladiesâ letter, removed from the trappings of banter? If so, Johnâs reply, dated April 14, 1776, expressed only incredulous amusement. âAs to your extraordinary code of laws, I cannot but laugh,â he wrote. âWe know better than to repeal our masculine systems. Although they are in full force, you know they are little more than theory. We dare not exert our power in its full latitude. We are obliged to go fair and softly, and, in practice, you know we are the subjects.â
Georgini says this kind of playful sparring is characteristic of John and Abigailâs correspondence. âSheâll pitch an idea, and heâll bat it down. Heâll pitch an idea, and sheâll bat it down,â the historian says. âThis goes back and forth quite a bit, and he replies substantively to a lot of her other queries.â Abigail appears to have wanted a substantive reply to this particular query, too. On April 27, she wrote to a friend, the writer Mercy Otis Warren, relaying Johnâs response to her request. âHe is very saucy to me in return for a list of female grievances which I transmitted to him,â she wrote. âI think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress.â
Abigail didnât reply to John until May 7. âI have not felt in a humor to entertain you,â she wrote. âIf I had taken up my pen perhaps some unbecoming invective might have fallen from it.â She added, âI cannot say that I think you very generous to the ladies.â
As far as we know, Abigail never attempted to mount a defense against her husbandâs line of reasoning. But we shouldnât try to âmeasure the depth of Adamsâ frustration by her reluctance to engage in serious sparring with her husband,â Crane writes. âShe might have realized that Johnâs willingness to entertain her ideas had limitsâwhich she was rapidly approaching.â
Even though John never provided Abigail with a serious reply, he touched on the subject in an intriguing letter to the Massachusetts lawyer James Sullivan a few weeks later. âIt was almost as if Adams was responding to her through his letter to Sullivan,â Crane argues. âDespite the witticisms with which John responded to Abigailâs overture, he did, in fact, have serious misgivings about extending the political base to women. It was far easier to explain all this to James Sullivan than to his wife.â
In the letter, John posed the question âWhence arises the right of the men to govern women without their consent?â He compared women to other disenfranchised groups, such as men who didnât own property and were âtoo little acquainted with public affairs to form a right judgment, and too dependent upon other men to have a will of their own.â Any effort to expand political representation would inspire every woman, child and âman who has not a farthingâ to âdemand an equal voice with any other.â
The letterâs legacy
More than 20 years later, when John was halfway through his presidency, he made a controversial diplomatic appointment. Abigail was ill at the time, and critics quipped that she wouldâve talked him out of it if sheâd been by his side. âOh how they lament Mrs. Adamsâ absence! She is a good counselor! If she had been here, [William Vans] Murray would never have been named, nor his mission instituted,â John wrote to his wife in 1799. âThis ought to gratify your vanity enough to cure you.â
Did John remember the ladies? He treated Abigail as a trusted adviser and âone-woman cabinet,â Georgini says. âThere is a very public reliance on womenâs advice, counsel and intellect that I think is a cornerstone to understanding him.â He did not, however, try to limit the power of tyrannical husbands in Americaâs new code of laws. The consequences of coverture have never fully disappeared.
Abigailâs legacy is nuanced. She didnât change the institution of marriage, but she demonstrated how women could wield power within its constraints. During Johnâs long absences, she ran their estate alone and made financial decisions without his approval. She respected her husband but never heeded him unquestioningly. For instance, John disliked âCommon Senseâ (he later called it a âpoor, ignorant, malicious, short-sighted, crapulous massâ), but Abigail was impressed by Paineâs pamphlet and made her approval known. When she inoculated the family against smallpox, she didnât tell her husband until after the fact. âShe finds and minds loopholes wherever she can,â Georgini says. âShe finds a way to own property. She finds a way to sell goods. She finds a way to make sure that sheâs legally present in documents.â
John and Abigailâs correspondence provides a riveting window into these negotiations. But even though historians have thousands of manuscript pages at their disposal, these cover only a fraction of a 54-year marriage. What about the missives that didnât survive or the conversations they had in between letters?
âI would love to go back in time and eavesdrop on the Adamsesâ kitchen table,â says Georgini, who imagines the âRemember the Ladiesâ letter as part of a conversation repeated many times before. When writing on other subjects, Abigail tended to self-edit as she worked through her thoughts. âShe crosses out words. She scribbles in new ones. She edits. She second-guesses,â Georgini says. âWhen you get to that very famous paragraph, where she petitions John and his fellow lawmakers, her pen never slips.â
She wrote the letter that would come to define her legacy on March 31, 1776. But 250 years later, Americans are misinterpreting her open-ended request
“By the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies,” Abigail Adams wrote on March 31, 1776.
Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society
As John Adams lobbied in Philadelphia for American independence, his wife, Abigail, was consumed with questions. She filled pages with them, often complaining when John didnât answer fully or quickly enough.
âWhat code of laws will be established?â she wrote to him from their home in Braintree, Massachusetts, in November 1775. âWho shall frame these laws? Who will give them force and energy?â Five months later, as members of the Second Continental Congress dragged their feet on separation from Britain, she wondered, âShall we not be despised by foreign powers for hesitating so long?â
In her letters, Abigail kept her husband abreast of the siege of Boston, vividly describing âthe rattling of the windows, the jar of the house and the continual roar of 24-pounders.â She read Thomas Paineâs âCommon Senseâ and asked how the seminal pamphlet had been received in Congress. âShe prided herself on navigating the most important intellectual currents of her era,â biographer Woody Holton writes in Abigail Adams: A Life. âTo an extent that does not seem unusual today but that would have astonished her grandmother, Abigail liked to think about her thoughts.â
Fortunately, John also liked his wifeâs inclination for reflection. In a teasing letter dated to 1764, the year they married, he wrote that her âhabit of reading, writing and thinkingâ caused her to slouch. He also chided her for sitting too often with her legs crossed, which âsprings I fear from the former source vizt. too much thinking. These things ought not to be!â
By early 1776, John and Abigail both had a lot on their minds. They longed to speak freely about the creation of a new nation, which was looking more plausible every day. âIs there no way for two friendly souls to converse together although the bodies are 400 miles off?â John wrote. âYes, by letter. But I want a better communication. I want to hear you think or to see your thoughts.â
On March 31, Abigail committed her thoughts to paper in a letter that would come to define her legacy. After relaying her worries regarding military strategy and her hopes that Congress was nearing a decision, she added a request framed as an afterthought. âBy the way,â she wrote, âin the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies.â
The second page of the letter
Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society
What Abigail was asking
Abigailâs letter is still widely celebrated 250 years after it was written. History lovers can purchase âRemember the Ladiesâ picture books, T-shirts, mugs, stickers, candles, prints, serving trays and cutting boards. âItâs the first thing people usually think of when they think of Abigail,â says Sara Georgini, the series editor for the Papers of John Adams at the Massachusetts Historical Society. âââAs she writes, thereâs this backdrop of impending war, but also the promise of republican creation.â
The letter reached mainstream American audiences in the mid-20th century, when the historical society began publishing correspondence, speeches, diaries and other papers connected to the Adams family. Georgini says that the musical 1776 (which draws on the letters), Americaâs bicentennial, and the womenâs movement in the 1960s and â70s also contributed to the buzz around the letter, which reads:
By the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies and be more generous and favorable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the husbands. Remember, all men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any laws in which we have no voice or representation. That your sex are naturally tyrannical is a truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of sense in all ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your sex. Regard us then as beings placed by providence under your protection and in imitation of the supreme being make use of that power only for our happiness.
Do audiences today understand Abigailâs open-ended request? What exactly was she urging her husband to do? âI donât think she would have a specific laundry list,â Georgini says. âShe would certainly be thinkingâlike any 18th-century person would beâabout progress and the human condition and what a revolution can do for individual rights.â
Some modern readers are convinced that they know exactly what Abigail was requesting. A 2007 childrenâs book, for instance, features a photo of the letter with âremember the ladiesâ circled in thick purple. âAbigail wrote that women should have the right to vote,â the description states. âAbigailâs ideas helped change the United States government. Women now have the same rights as men.â
Scholars donât share this interpretation, although many casual readers find their way to it on their own. âI do think that people today read things into this letter that arenât there,â says Cassandra Good, a historian at Marymount University. Abigail wrote her letter 72 years before the Seneca Falls Convention, which sparked the womenâs suffrage movement in America, and 144 years before the passage of the 19th Amendment. âSheâs not explicitly saying women should have a vote,â Good says. âThat is just such a radical idea at this point that it is almost unthinkable.â
In the 18th century, voting was typically restricted to white men who owned property, although the law varied from state to state. Even Mary Wollstonecraft, the British womenâs rights activist who published A Vindication of the Rights of Woman in 1792, was generally focused on causes such as equal education. The question of voting rights for women surfaced only in niche cases, as when two Virginia residents remarked in separate correspondence that their status as widowed taxpayers should grant them the right to electoral representation. Later, for a brief period between 1790 and 1807, New Jersey law allowed a small group of unmarried women who owned property to cast ballots in the state.
Quick facts: How women voted in 18th-century New Jersey
- New Jerseyâs first Constitution, ratified in 1776, enfranchised all adults âworth ÂŁ50â who had resided in their county for a year.
- A 1790 law even used the language âhe or sheâ to describe voters in certain counties.
- Women cast ballots in the state until 1807, when a new election law restricted eligibility to âfree, white, maleâ citizens.
The most specific ask in Abigailâs appeal is âDo not put such unlimited power into the hands of the husbands.â During this period, the practice of coverture dictated that married women had no legal identity; instead, the law viewed them as their husbandsâ dependents. As such, Abigail was likely referring to âprotection for women within marriage,â Good says. âShe means men as husbands could be tyrants over their wives.â
John and Abigailâs marriage
When John was 24, his friend Richard Cranch started courting a young woman named Mary Smith. The two men called on Mary at home, where they also happened to meet her 15-year-old sister, Abigail.
At first, John casually dismissed the Smith family, writing in his diary that the father was a âcrafty, designing manâ whose daughters were ânot fond, not frank, not candid.â In the 18th century, âcandidâ meant something closer to ânonjudgmental,â and he found the sisters âtoo blunt,â Holton writes. âApparently John considered Abigail insufficiently candid because she could not resist teasing him about some of his foibles.â
With time, however, teasing became the foundation of a deep bond. John and Abigail exchanged more than 30 letters during their courtship, developing a witty rapport that was thoughtful, flirtatious and quite funny. Sometimes, Abigail found that this banter was easier in letters. âI wonder I write to you with so little restraint, for as a critic I fear you more than any other person on earth,â she wrote six months before they married. âDo you approve of that speech? Donât you think me a courageous being? Courage is a laudable, a glorious virtue in your sex, why not in mine? (For my part, I think you ought to applaud me for mine.)â
A portrait of Abigail Adams by Ralph Earl, painted circa 1795
Fenimore Art Museum / Estate of Francis J. Eggleston / Photograph by Richard Walker
John and Abigailâs life together was characterized by an inexhaustible urge for conversation that lasted for half a century. More than 1,000 of their letters survive. This kind of companionship was something of a novelty at the time, when marriage was often viewed as more of an economic institution. âThe idea that husbands and wives should be friendsâthat is new,â Good says. âAnd I think that John and Abigailâs marriage does represent that more than many other marriages.â
As the American Revolution intensified, John and Abigail spent long stretches apart. âI want to hear much oftener from you than I do,â Abigail wrote in April 1776. John made a similar request several months later. âIt is some time since I received any letter from you,â he wrote. âYou must write me every week by the post. If it is but a few lines, it gives me many spirits.â When Abigail, alone during a smallpox epidemic in Boston, decided to inoculate herself and her children, John worried from afar, though his letters never lacked for wit. âHow are you all this morning?â he wrote. âBy this time, you are well acquainted with the smallpox. Pray, how do you like it?â
A calculated request
In the âRemember the Ladiesâ letter, Abigail introduced her appeal with a breezy âby the wayâ before inserting âan element of humorâ to âtemper her plea,â Holton writes. Her threat to foment a rebellion âwas of course farcical,â the biographer adds, âbut it allowed Abigail to slip in the serious observation that male patriots prohibited their wives from exercising the very right to self-government that now stood at the center of their own dispute with Parliament.â
Humor wasnât the only strategy that Abigail used to make her point. Although the line âRemember, all men would be tyrants if they couldâ originated with the English writer Daniel Defoe, Abigail might have borrowed it directly from John, who used it in an unpublished 1763 essay. She knew that he would be âflattered, not furious, to see his own words used against him,â Holton writes.
The historian Elaine Crane has published extensively on Abigailâs tendency to use language from outside sources, almost always without attribution. In particular, Crane flags these lines from the famous letter:
That your sex are naturally tyrannical is a truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute; but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend.
In the original manuscript, Crane notes, âthe ink pales in color perceptivelyâ with these lines, suggesting that Abigail paused just before adding them. Perhaps thatâs because she was leafing through a copy of The History of Emily Montague, a 1769 epistolary novel that includes a suspiciously familiar passage:
That we are generally tyrannical, I am obliged to own, but such of us as know how to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend.
During Abigailâs lifetime, âthe line between artistic adaptation and thievish adoption was thin,â Crane writes. Her husband was ânot likely to realize that she had lifted the quotation word for wordânor would he have cared.â After all, John relied heavily on unattributed quotations even in published works, usually âto save himself time,â as Holton writes. Abigail turned to other authorsâ words most often âwhenever she skated near the limits of propriety,â Holton adds.
Abigail received no formal education, but as the daughter of a clergyman, she had access to her fatherâs sprawling libraries, and she made her way through works of literature, history, government, philosophy and theology. John and Abigailâs letters are full of playful references to famous works, and they regularly used literary pen names like Diana, Portia and Lysander. âThis was just kind of the lingua franca of the day,â Georgini says. âTheyâre incredibly well readâand eager to show it off.â
A portrait of Abigail Adams by Gilbert Stuart, painted circa 1800-1815
Heritage Art / Heritage Images via Getty Images
A portrait of John Adams by Gilbert Stuart, painted circa 1800-1815
Johnâs reply
Had Abigail hoped for a serious response to her âRemember the Ladiesâ letter, removed from the trappings of banter? If so, Johnâs reply, dated April 14, 1776, expressed only incredulous amusement. âAs to your extraordinary code of laws, I cannot but laugh,â he wrote. âWe know better than to repeal our masculine systems. Although they are in full force, you know they are little more than theory. We dare not exert our power in its full latitude. We are obliged to go fair and softly, and, in practice, you know we are the subjects.â
Georgini says this kind of playful sparring is characteristic of John and Abigailâs correspondence. âSheâll pitch an idea, and heâll bat it down. Heâll pitch an idea, and sheâll bat it down,â the historian says. âThis goes back and forth quite a bit, and he replies substantively to a lot of her other queries.â Abigail appears to have wanted a substantive reply to this particular query, too. On April 27, she wrote to a friend, the writer Mercy Otis Warren, relaying Johnâs response to her request. âHe is very saucy to me in return for a list of female grievances which I transmitted to him,â she wrote. âI think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress.â
Abigail didnât reply to John until May 7. âI have not felt in a humor to entertain you,â she wrote. âIf I had taken up my pen perhaps some unbecoming invective might have fallen from it.â She added, âI cannot say that I think you very generous to the ladies.â
As far as we know, Abigail never attempted to mount a defense against her husbandâs line of reasoning. But we shouldnât try to âmeasure the depth of Adamsâ frustration by her reluctance to engage in serious sparring with her husband,â Crane writes. âShe might have realized that Johnâs willingness to entertain her ideas had limitsâwhich she was rapidly approaching.â
Even though John never provided Abigail with a serious reply, he touched on the subject in an intriguing letter to the Massachusetts lawyer James Sullivan a few weeks later. âIt was almost as if Adams was responding to her through his letter to Sullivan,â Crane argues. âDespite the witticisms with which John responded to Abigailâs overture, he did, in fact, have serious misgivings about extending the political base to women. It was far easier to explain all this to James Sullivan than to his wife.â
In the letter, John posed the question âWhence arises the right of the men to govern women without their consent?â He compared women to other disenfranchised groups, such as men who didnât own property and were âtoo little acquainted with public affairs to form a right judgment, and too dependent upon other men to have a will of their own.â Any effort to expand political representation would inspire every woman, child and âman who has not a farthingâ to âdemand an equal voice with any other.â
The letterâs legacy
More than 20 years later, when John was halfway through his presidency, he made a controversial diplomatic appointment. Abigail was ill at the time, and critics quipped that she wouldâve talked him out of it if sheâd been by his side. âOh how they lament Mrs. Adamsâ absence! She is a good counselor! If she had been here, [William Vans] Murray would never have been named, nor his mission instituted,â John wrote to his wife in 1799. âThis ought to gratify your vanity enough to cure you.â
Did John remember the ladies? He treated Abigail as a trusted adviser and âone-woman cabinet,â Georgini says. âThere is a very public reliance on womenâs advice, counsel and intellect that I think is a cornerstone to understanding him.â He did not, however, try to limit the power of tyrannical husbands in Americaâs new code of laws. The consequences of coverture have never fully disappeared.
Abigailâs legacy is nuanced. She didnât change the institution of marriage, but she demonstrated how women could wield power within its constraints. During Johnâs long absences, she ran their estate alone and made financial decisions without his approval. She respected her husband but never heeded him unquestioningly. For instance, John disliked âCommon Senseâ (he later called it a âpoor, ignorant, malicious, short-sighted, crapulous massâ), but Abigail was impressed by Paineâs pamphlet and made her approval known. When she inoculated the family against smallpox, she didnât tell her husband until after the fact. âShe finds and minds loopholes wherever she can,â Georgini says. âShe finds a way to own property. She finds a way to sell goods. She finds a way to make sure that sheâs legally present in documents.â
John and Abigailâs correspondence provides a riveting window into these negotiations. But even though historians have thousands of manuscript pages at their disposal, these cover only a fraction of a 54-year marriage. What about the missives that didnât survive or the conversations they had in between letters?
âI would love to go back in time and eavesdrop on the Adamsesâ kitchen table,â says Georgini, who imagines the âRemember the Ladiesâ letter as part of a conversation repeated many times before. When writing on other subjects, Abigail tended to self-edit as she worked through her thoughts. âShe crosses out words. She scribbles in new ones. She edits. She second-guesses,â Georgini says. âWhen you get to that very famous paragraph, where she petitions John and his fellow lawmakers, her pen never slips.â
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| đ° PublicaciĂłn: | www.smithsonianmag.com |
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| đ Fecha Original: | 2026-03-31 11:45:00 |
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